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The military conflict in Iran, which began at the end of February 2026, has triggered an energy crisis of a structural nature. Its essence lies not only in the resulting decline in oil or gas production, but in the destabilization of the transport and trade system for hydrocarbons.

There is a growing amount of information in the public domain concerning the construction of large-scale nuclear reactors and small modular reactors in Poland. However, in addition to nuclear reactors used for electricity generation, research reactors also play an important role. The MARIA research nuclear reactor has been operating for many years at the National Center for Nuclear Research in Otwock, mainly used to produce radioisotopes for medical purposes.

Over the past two decades, the Republic of South Korea (ROK) has undergone a dramatic transformation in defence-industrial design and production. Like most major initiatives historically taken on by the country, it is also a transformation that has taken place in record time.

From its inception, the Port of Gdynia was a state project with significance that extended beyond its transport and trade functions. Its construction in the interwar period was a response to the Second Polish Republic's structural dependence on external factors and constituted a conscious act of sovereignty, in which maritime infrastructure was recognized as a condition for the state's operational independence.

Following the illegal occupation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014, the Ukrainian navy, which had been underfunded and neglected for decades, found itself on the brink of collapse. Most Ukrainian ships lost their combat capability or were seized by the aggressors, with their crews surrendering as a result of the Russian operation.

Prompted by Russia’s failed attempt to subjugate Kyiv and deepening internal problems, the members of this axis have nonetheless eschewed the establishment of a formal military alliance. Instead, they are engaged in an episodic, escalating and deepening military, economic, and technological cooperation.

The strategy put forward by the Trump administration appears to be strongly ideologically driven. It explicitly criticises the previous administration, as well as the governing elites to date, accusing them of having misdefined US interests.

Following the publication of U.S. and Ukraine-Europe’s proposed frameworks for resolving the Russia–Ukraine conflict in April 2025, and under pressure from Washington on both Kyiv and Moscow, the two sides agreed to launch direct negotiations in Istanbul on 15 May.

Poland is increasingly gaining ground on the European map. Over the past three decades, a vibrant economy has emerged in Poland, with a strong domestic market and powerful global business players. The Polish armed forces are gradually modernizing and—thanks to unprecedented spending on comprehensive armaments programs—have the potential to be a key guarantor of security in Europe.

In late August 2025, US President Donald Trump held a summit in the White House Oval Office with the Republic of Korea (ROK) President, Lee Jae Myung. The encounter was not just an ordinary, regular meeting between the heads of state of the US and the ROK, the country being a long-time valued and stalwart US ally. It was seen by many as a crucial interaction for the recently elected South Korean leader.

The events of 2022-2024 period have necessitated a transformation of the EU’s approach, shifting its emphasis from normative influence to a geopolitical strategy prioritizing security and regional stability.

Poland’s primary objective is to support Ukraine’s EU accession without risking destabilization by extensive treaty reform, balancing enlargement aspirations with the need for a resilient, cohesive Union.

Positioned as NATO’s strategic buffer, the Bucharest 9 countries are pivotal in navigating the evolving landscape of geopolitical and hybrid threats on the Alliance’s Eastern Flank.

The Weimar Triangle initiative, which had been overlooked for years, has recently seen a resurgence of interest in Warsaw, Paris, and Berlin.

As Poland is going through a long electoral cycle that will end only in the summer of 2025, and Polish society's fatigue with the war in Ukraine is growing, populist moves may hit Ukrainian migrants and refugees in Poland. Tension between Poles and Ukrainians living nearby could weaken social resistance to information and hybrid threats.

The aim of the project Norway and Poland as actors in a changing security landscape (NORPOLFACTOR) is to develop enhanced knowledge of the security-related challenges, risks and threats Poland and Norway face in their strategic environment in the aftermath of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

The large-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine at the beginning of 2022 has surprised many experts and is a consistent, heavy reminder to the European people that war in Europe is not a matter of the past.

China’s assertiveness has been growing on the global stage and has become one of the most significant challenges for the Western world.

On 1 September 2026 Bishkek hosted seventeen heads of state and government at the annual summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, the twenty-sixth in its history, convened on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the organisation's founding. The host, Kyrgyzstan, which had just ended its year-long chairmanship, had a few weeks earlier been elected a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council for 2027 and 2028, while in the same election Germany lost the seat reserved for the Western group.

A few days before the first summit of the Carpathian Integration Initiative, scheduled for September 2026 in the Ivano-Frankivsk region, Warsaw still does not know whom it will send. Volodymyr Zelensky has invited representatives of seven states of the region to the summit, Poland among them, he is steering the project personally, some leaders have already confirmed their attendance and more than five hundred business representatives are expected on site, and yet Poland's decision on the level of its representation still has not been taken.

Iran emerges from the war with Israel and the US strengthened, regardless of the costs it has incurred. Unless a permanent collapse in negotiations occurs, it can recover its losses very quickly, and given its potential, it has a chance of becoming one of the world's largest economies within a few years. Crucial in this context is not the nuclear issue, but the high-stakes game over the Strait of Hormuz.

The Union Civil Protection Mechanism was created as a tool for fast, targeted assistance between neighbours in response to events that exceed a single state's capacity to respond – from fires, floods and earthquakes to industrial accidents, chemical contamination or man-made disasters. The last two decades, and especially the events of recent years – the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine – have tested it in ways its architects never anticipated: not as a single, closed-ended event, but as a prolonged, multidimensional crisis with no clear end point.

In late March 2026, a month after the outbreak of the war with Iran, Volodymyr Zelensky toured Jeddah, Abu Dhabi, Doha and Amman in three days. With Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Jordan he signed defence cooperation agreements providing for joint investment, joint production and the sharing of experience and solutions in defence against missiles and unmanned aircraft.

In recent months we have been witnessing a very significant shift in international relations. What is changing is the way states build their position in the international system. A growing number of middle powers no longer organise their entire strategy around a single centre, nor do they treat relations with competing great powers as mutually exclusive.

On June 13, Yoon Suk Yeol, the former president of the Republic of Korea (ROK), was sentenced to two years in prison after being found ‌guilty of illegally receiving opinion polling services worth $179,800 for free from a political broker. Just four days earlier, on June 9, ROK Supreme Court upheld his seven-year prison ‌sentence for obstructing authorities attempts to arrest him over his short-lived imposition of martial law in 2024.

The summit in Ankara will deliver contracts, memoranda, and letters of intent, yet it will not clarify what Europe lacks most acutely — its own answer to the question of the long-term direction of the transformation being undertaken. At the root of the contemporary identity crisis lies not a deficit of financial resources but the absence of a shared European strategic culture, which Ankara may throw into particularly sharp relief, proving that material rearmament is outpacing the ability to define directions for joint action.

Around a decade ago at the Singapore Air Show the executive of a major US defence company told me more than once “my best sales agents are the Chinese. Every time they make a public show of steaming their aircraft carrier out for sea trials or commit another one of their violations of some nation’s territorial waters or build up another one of their artificial islands – that’s when my phone starts ringing. Other nations in the region suddenly want to know how soon they could have some US-made military hardware, especially if they are EDA [Excess Defence Articles].”

In recent years, artificial intelligence has become one of the most important areas of strategic competition between nations. Europe, although still catching up with the U.S. and China, is taking steps to build its own technological sovereignty in this domain. Among European countries, France has emerged as the frontrunner, showcasing an ambitious AI policy that combines public investment, talent development, support for startups, and an ethical approach to technology.

In a surprise decision, LOT Polish Airlines have shunned their long-time supplier, Brazil’s Embraer, and have instead signed a massive order for the Airbus A220 to fill the company’s regional jet fleet requirement. 

Romania's ambition to be a pillar of Euro-Atlantic stability in the Black Sea region is at risk of unraveling under a presidency defined by MAGA-style nationalism and regional isolationism.

On April 30, 2025, the governments of the United States and Ukraine signed the Agreement on the Establishment of a United States–Ukraine Reconstruction Investment Fund (“Agreement”). While publicly framed as a post-conflict development initiative, the Agreement should be more accurately understood as a layered instrument of geopolitical positioning and geoeconomic restructuring.

The fight against climate disinformation has been recognised by the Ministry of Climate and Environment as one of the priorities of the Polish Presidency of the Council of the European Union. This topic will be discussed during the meeting of the EU Environment Council (ENVI), which will take place on April 28–29.

In our opinion, there is no doubt that the development of nuclear energy in Poland could constitute a significant breakthrough in terms of economic development and strengthening the national economy, as well as in Poland's climate policy.

The collapse of the ruling coalition in Norway not only changed the balance of power in parliament but also sparked a broad debate on the country's energy future and relations with the European Union.

As is tradition, in the fourth week of January, which fell precisely on the 20th day of the aforementioned month, the new, 47th President of the United States was sworn in at a ceremonial ceremony. Within the first hours of his term, politicians from the new US administration submitted numerous regulations to President Donald Trump that will de facto change the face of American energy policy for at least the next four years. One of the most important campaign slogans of the newly elected White House president was "drill baby drill," meaning to increase the production of liquid gold, which Trump includes in oil and gas.

In this context, there is great potential in Polish-French cooperation, which on one hand can strengthen the capabilities of both countries, and on the other, inject energy into European cooperation in the field of defence.

The results of the first round in Romania’s last week presidential elections shocked Europe after the unexpected rise of Călin Georgescu, a far-right candidate with a blatant anti-Western discourse that appeared suddenly in the national political landscape.